Questionnaire: Truby's Answers to Questionnaire re. His Book - February, 1947, by Albert E. Truby, February 1947

    TRUBY'S ANSWERS TO QUESTIONNAIRE
RE HIS BOOK - FEBRUARY, 1947

    1

    Truby's Answers to Questionnaire re His Book - December 1946

    P 5. Will answer that later.

    P 8. Height about 5 ft. 10 in. or more. Weight 140 - 150. Light complexion.
He was always courteous but aloof, serious and dignified with strangers;
extremely agreeable to friends and relatives, quite sentimental too, I
think. He was always most friendly and kind to me.

    P 9. Yes, definitely. He asked me in June 189 7 [8] during my examination about the
etiology of yellow fever [malaria] ; and when I told him about Ross' discoveries,
he was evidently pleased and went on to the next question before I was
through with the answer. I have always remembered this because I felt so
elated at the pure luck of having seen Ross' article which had been
published only a short time before. [Besides he taught all this
in the Army Med. School and other schools in Washington.]

    Of course he was interested in yellow fever because he was working on the
Sanarelli theory in 1897 and probably had read extensively on yellow fever.
When he first heard of Finlay's theory I don't know. [Surely by 1899.]

    P 11. Regular Medical Corps consisted of 192 officers, no nurses, no dentists,
no veterinary officers. See my book P 59.

    Information re Volunteers and Contract Surgeons can be obtained from
the Surgeon General. His annual reports would give those figures.
Volunteer organizations had their quota of Volunteer Medical Officers
and the War Department also had authority to commission a large number
of "Major and Brigade Surgeons" to use where needed, especially in the
P. I. There were hundreds of contract surgeons. They could be used
wherever needed. For example, the 2nd Div. Hospital of General Lee's
command had both regular Army Medical Officers, Volunteers, and Contract
Surgeons. (Pinto and Repetti, for example. P 48, my book.)

    P 12. Volunteers were kept a few years until the Philippine insurrection
was suppressed. I don't think Volunteers were kept in service long
after that. Contract Surgeons were used in Indian War days and that
system was used until World War I at least, perhaps longer.

    P 17. No. It is referred to in the paragraph beginning at the bottom of
P. 217, my book. It was quite general, I think, and covered such
things as food and drink (boiled water) and information re yellow
fever, malaria and other diseases. It should be found in General
Brooke's Annual Report. Or, in Gen. Ludlow's reports. They should
be available in Washington. I think the first one I had was pro-
bably prepared by the Chief Surgeon at Huntsville, Alabama.

    P. 20 The camp's (8th Infantry) location can be seen on your big map of
2nd Division's camp sites. Also note Division Headquarters nearby
as noted in my book, P 21. I did not get to the western end of
Camp Columbia when I was in camp with the 8th Infantry. So, of
course, I don't know about the huts but the sanitary report of
[(1898)]

    P.26 The troops in other departments were not a part of my story
and I thought it would be better to leave them out.

    P 27. General Gorgas was at first Chief Surgeon of the Department
of the City of Havana under General Ludlow. But Ludlow took
away sanitary control from Gorgas and placed it under his
Engineer Officer. This officer, Col. Black, had a Medical
Officer, a Maj. Davis of the Volunteers to advise him and
they made a mess of the job. I think Black was only a
major at that time. Kean would know. Later Gorgas became
Chief Sanitary Officer of Havana and the City Department
was taken over by General Lee. See P 21, 78, and 97, my
book.

    P 27. I can't add to that and what I said on P 74 and 75. I don't
think that there was any scandal [,] but the electrozone idea was
called by some as "Black's folly". Black was a very efficient
officer and a great friend of Gen. Kean's. He and I were
great friends too and both served later at Governor's Island,
N. Y.

    P. 28 It was a large building along the water front near La Punta.
See your big map of Havana. I think i [I] t was either Artillery
or Engineer Headquarters, of the Spanish Army. The 8th
Infantry had troops in it. I think that Maj. Black made his
electrozone there or nearby.

    P 28 &

     [*] 30. At La Punta. See your map of Havana. The very long building
labelled Engineers contained officers quarters facing the
street. Behind that was long barrack building. There was
quite a little area between the barracks and the old star-
shaped fort. [My room was in the Eastern End of the Engr. Bldg.]

    P 31. The dungeon was in the stone fort. At La Punta. We also
had a guard house in the stone fort, very much like the one at
Pinar del Rio. Gen. Sternberg came to inspect us in the
spring of 1899 and found fault with the "dark and damp
guard house."

    P 31. No, I haven't the circular. I think I obtained that extract
from one of the annual reports. If I can find it I will send
it to you.

    * I think you have a film or two taken on top
of the old fort showing me beside the big guns-
also one showing two other officer & myself watching
the storm.

    - 3 -

    P 34. Maj. Echevrria was a Cuban doctor who seemed to be well
thought of by Gorgas who used him for important yellow
fever work. During the Quemados epidemic he was sent to
Kean's Department for duty, see P 34 and 84, my book. I
thought him one of the best of the Cuban doctors. He was
quiet, unassuming and courteous. I saw but little of
him, however. I think you will find that he was with our
troops in Cuba during the fight for Santiago. [See Vaughan's memoirs]

    P 35. Ames had a commission in the Volunteers after he left
Columbia Barracks. I think that was done by the War Dept.
because of his fine work in treating yellow fever cases.
[Reed & Kean may have recommended Ames for promotion.]

    P 36. Finlay came to La Punta frequently as stated in my book.
While he talked of his theory to me and gave me one of
his articles on the subject (in English) I would not have
called it "missionary work." He was thoroughly convinced
of his ideas and no doubt talked about his theory freely.

    P 27. I, no doubt , did [,] especially with Dr. Dueñas. P 34, my book.
Dueños was sent to La Punta for duty with me. He was made
a Contract Surgeon but I soon asked for his relief as he
was little help because he could not speak English. I
don't know that I ever really discussed the theory with
Gorgas or Kean but no doubt that subject frequently came
up. I know that Reed and I did talk about it during his
visit in March and April 1900. I have a suspicion that I
gave Reed Finlay's reprint when he came to see me about
Patrick Smith's case in May 1899, or when he was at
Columbia Barracks in March 1900, for it was not in my
Cuban box of papers when I began my story. I am sure that
I showed it to him at least and that probably was at
La Punta in 1899 as Finlay had given it to me shortly
before and it made an impression on me. I would not have
thrown it away. I can't tell you of any reaction of Reed's,
or the others, to Finlay's theory, but because of the dis-
coveries of Ross, [*] it was definitely a possibility and I
think Reed was impressed that way. Besides, if yellow fever
was mosquito borne, Reed no doubt felt that he could prove
it and wanted to make the effort at least when he had the chance
to do so. I don't know when Reed first met Finlay but
probably during one of his early visits (1899) to Gorgas
in Havana.
[I have looked everywhere for it.]

    P. 40 & In March and April, 1900.

    41.

     [* (and Carter's observations too)]

    - 4 -

    P 42. Cabaña barracks in the Cabaña fort. Morro was also a fort, much
smaller than Cabana, with very little or no barrack space.

    P 44. Our destination, Columbia Barracks.

    P 44. Of course. The whole 7th Army Corps was camped there. See your
maps with the location of all the various elements of a (14,000)
big Army Corps. Even the 8th Infantry is shown on the first
map, date not given but probably December 1898. The 8th
Infantry no w [t] shown on the March 1899 map as [we] were then in
Havana.

    P 45. Baldwin was not liked as Kean says. I did not consider him a
keen [,] active C. O. He always treated me kindly and he and his
staff were on good relations with the medical officers at the
Post Hospital. They rarely interferred with or criticised us.

    P 46. Yes. Post Surgeon was the term usually employeed at that time.

    P 47. Usually the same officer, but when there was [is] much work for the
C. O. [,] as at large posts, he can detail an officer as "Detatch-
ment Commander".

    P 47. In the Main Post (Columbia Barracks). I think he lived in
one of the bachelor buildings of the 8th Infantry and also
had a little dispensary at Post Headquarters.

    P 48. Pinto was a Volunteer officer in a Nebraska regiment, when that
outfit was mustered out of the service. I think t [T] hey made him
a Contract Surgeon and assigned him to duty with the 2nd Division
Hospital. When that outfit went to the States, Pinto was kept
at Columbia Barracks Hospital.

    P 48. They were galvanized iron troughs for latrines. Read about them
(important for they were proposed by Reed) in any old Hygiene like
Munson's or Havard's. These troughs were at first pumped out
into a large tank wagon. Later they were connected with the
sewer. This did away with Dr. Porter's "Heavy Artillery" P 48.

    P 49. They were graduate nurses from the U.S. but all were non-immune [s]
in my time. Two contracted yellow fever on the Edmund s [s] case
and one died.

    P 49. Mrs. Warner, was I think, a trained nurse and an immune. I don't
know about Miss Lewis; "Lottie" and Mrs. Gillem were immune but
not nurses, I think. They were sent out from Havana to help out
in the Quemados epidemic. Most of this information came from
Lambert.

    - 5 -

    P 50. Yes, but they built a few very poor, long shacks for wards and
the "Surgery" and 106 Lazear's house which was probably built
for Maj. Brown. See Figure 19, my book, p. 87. I think that
under the Lazear tree and west of it, the Lazear house can be
faintly seen. Look at your large picture and tell me what
you think.

    Fig. 10

    & P 51. I accepted Lambert's statement that they were two-bed huts.
Of course they were large enough for 3 beds. See photo from
Mrs. Reed. I now think that they were 10 x 12 ft. [See remarks also where
especially p. 55 below.]

    Fig. 10 The bed rooms were all on the south side.

    P. 52 The south end of 91.

    P. 52 There was nothing at La Playa but fishing shacks. Nipa houses
mostly. It had a nice sand beach and was a good place to swim.
The railroad was operating two trains each way - morning and
afternoon. Trains passed under our bridge over the RR cut.
No night trains.

    P. 53 Our tent wards were preferable for the typhoid cases to the
very crude shacks. See low mortality rate, p. 54 and else-
where. Where? In the flat area north of building 108 as
stated on P. 54.

    P. 54 90 to 97 in the fall of 1899 and were first occupied early in
1900 (see P. 54)

    108 built about July 1899, I think
106 " by Maj. Brown 1889
109 " " Stark 1901
80 " " Brown March 1889

    All the rest were converted old shacks left by the 2nd Div.
Hospital and moved where we wanted to use them. One became a
receiving ward, other for storage of medical supplies and for
quarters for enlisted men.

    P. 54 That evidently is a typographical error and should be 113-120.
Lambert is wrong as shown my Maj. Brown's sanitary report
for March 1889.

    P. 55 I have answered the most of this in the "miscellaneous questions".
However, I now discover a very important mistake in my book.
Lambert gave me the data re the size of the huts and I feel
sure I accepted his figures. You quote him here as saying that
113 and 114 were 7 x 9 ft. I think that is probably about
right, so disregard my figures elsewhere re this. But now
I can see that my figures in the book about the size of 115
and 116 must be wrong because they could not accommodate two
or three yellow fever cases. By looking at that photo of the
huts it is evident, I think, that 118 and 116 are both the

    P. 59 Yes.

    P. 60 No. There were troops all over the Island: Santiago, Puerto Principe,
Cienfuegos, Matanzas, Havana and Pinar del Rio. I think you could
get it from Gen. Wood's report l [s] .

    P. 60 Either in [,] or right near the Secundo Cabo.

    P. 61 See P. 97 my book.

    P. 64 Col. C. F. Humphrey.

    P. 69 I think he was still in command of the S. S. Terry and had to
remain there until the ship was decommissioned. [He was also at Military
Hospital no. I for a time.]

    P. 70 Building 106. Lazear's house.

    P. 73 From Gen. Lee's report. Yellow fever epidemics were generally
expected by all the doctors because there were so few cases in
1898-99 and the non-immune population had greatly increased. [See also S.D.
P. 91]

    P. 73 He did bacteriological work for Reed and no doubt examined blood
for anything like [resembling] the parasites of malaria. I don't think he
did any active work on mosquitoes until after the Yellow Fever
Board was organized. I can't amplify.

    P. 73 Yes.

    P. 73 See #8 "misc. questions". Reed was not with us and I think you
did not interpret Lazear's letter right. "We" meant Mrs. Lazear
and Dr. Lazear.

    P. 75 No scandal. See P. 27.

    P. 74 Yes. Never more; usually on e [ly] one, due to the shortage of regular
Medical Officers.

    P. 75 No. See question P. 27.

    P. 75 Yes from the moment he saw Lazear's work and his laboratory at
our hospital. I can't conceive of using that word "convert",
for scientists are never converted without proof. He may have
said, Major Reed (not Dr. Reed) also believes that the mosquito
theory may prove to be right. I don't believe either one of

    P. 76 In the army at that time, it was customary for officers to call
on newcomers or visitors. Reed had many friends in the Corps
and in the whole army. They promptly came to call. Kean for
instance was probably there promptly and may have brought some
of the Cuban doctors from Quemados. Gorgas probably came with
his friends. I can't give any details or name individuals but I know
that we had many visitors while Reed was there. They came to
see him.

    P. 76 He saw its possibilities, probably better than anyone in Cuba, not
excepting Lazear. I don't think anyone knew just what he thought
but notice how promptly he patched together the few details he
could find after Lazear died and expressed his convictions so
quickly about the theory in the Preliminary Report. He did not
go off half cocked. He was then "converted" to the theory and
reported it as a fact. Dr. Finlay may have come out to call on
Reed with Gorgas or others but I do not know, I don't know of
any conferences Reed may have had. I don't [now] remember my [any] visit
from Finlay while I was at Columbia Barracks. I don't know if Reed
visited Finlay prior to June 1900 but he certainly had met Finlay
in Havana long before that.
[Probably
did.]

    P. 77 I never knew anything about the two mysteries. I knew the Chief
Clerk, Mr. Jones, and did not like him. He ran all the details of
the office and had more power than he should have had. I disliked
him because he came to Ft. Myer one day and the next day I
received orders to go to Huntsville. When Gen. O'Reilly became
the Surgeon General, Ireland, Kean and others soon took important
matters out of Mr. Jones' hands. Ask Ireland or Kean. I don't
know who J.W.P. could have been. [Jones was efficient however.]

    - 8 -

    P. 78 Not a higher position but a very much more important one in
such a yellow fever center as Havana. As General Ludlow had
robbed Gorgas of the sanitary work connected with the position
of Chief Surgeon of Havana, I think General Wood naturally
gave Gorgas back the sanitary job as the work he was best
fitted for. I think everyone looked at it as a great compli-
ment of Gorgas. The results, too, showed that no matter how
brilliant engineers may be they have their place and it is not
as general sanitary experts. I don't know when Gorgas "scoured"
Havana but he took the job February 15, 1900 and promptly
organized a very efficient sanitary department. Mosquito work
was not started until after Reed's work was published. Sometime
in March 1901, his mosquito campaign was started. See last
paragraph on P 185.

    P. 79 This information was obtained from Kean's report in General
Lee's annual report which you have. The three soldiers may
have been on duty at Lee's Headquarters or may have been
"strikers". The civilians were probably from Lee's Head-
quarters and some married civilian employees from the Post.
There were no married quarters for them so they lived in
Quemados.

    P. 79 The huts were first used by Stark in the Quemados epidemic,
probably in June 1900. I left there May 15 for Quanajay and
the huts were not then in use and never had been in my time.

    P. 79 In the vicinity of Lee's Headquarters and at various homes of
officers where they did odd jobs. I can't give details, of
course.

    P. 79 Yes, officers and their families. The Edmunds family for
instance. Also army civilian personnel and their families.
The soldiers went to the yellow fever camp when they contracted
yellow fever. So did some of the civilians, including women.
[all from
the Army]

    P. 79 I don't know the names of those who died. See Lee's report.
The nurse belonged to Columbia Barracks.

    P. 80 No truth in his statement. See my answers in the "misc. questions."

    P. 82 I never met a single supporter of Finlay's theory among Cuban
doctors, but I can't recall any specific conversation with any of
them. See what Reed says in his letter to me (Fig. 26) and my
remarks in the last paragraph, P. 160.

    P. 83 Civil Order No. 5 was issued May 31, 1900. At least 3 weeks before
the Reed Board organized. It was probably Kean's order so you
should ask him. I think, however, that it was simply to get

    P. 84 The municipal government.

    P. 84 I know nothing about those fees.

    P. 85 There was no panic, and nothing like it. Of course everyone
was anxious and worried as no one knew where the disease
would strike next.

    P. 86 I was at Q uanajay at that time and do not know. The contract
surgeons frequently had to double up for short periods. See
Figure 23, p. 131, my book. The arrangement of Reed's quarters
is shown and the footnote shows where the various doctors were
quartered.

    P, 8 7 [8] I can't agree with you on this at all. It was essential for
him to finish his work on Sanarelli's organism to answer Wasdin
and Geddings [,] whose work in Havana was finished [,] and they had
found the organism in 13 out of 14 cases studied in Havana.
Reed came to Cuba with the intention to also [unclear] study early
cases of yellow fever so as to meet their findings. Here was
his chance to do this as the epidemic at Quemados furnished
plenty of cases for obtaining blood in early yellow fever.
Even if he had considered the mosquito theory a sure thing
at that time, which of course no one including Lazear did,
Reed could not afford to take a chance and drop his very fine
and almost completed work on Sanaralli's theory in order to
take up such a different line of work as Finlay's theory.
No scientist would do such a think. i.e. leave a thing so
important, half done. Reed and the others knew that Wasdin
and Geedings were wrong, as stated above, but their recent
work in Havana had to be checked mated.

    See my book, p. 38, 39 and 40, also P. 86 and 87. If you put
yourself in Reed's place, after reading what he says there
(Baltimore address) I am sure you would have done just as
Reed did. No conclusions re Reed's opinion of the mosquito theory
can justly be formed because he insisted upon finishing this very
important work before attacking a theory. Lazear knew that the
Sanarelli theory was "bunk", of course. Reed knew it too, but
felt that he must examine the blood of fresh yellow fever cases.
As I have stated before Reed was no doubt as excited about the
prospects of getting positive results with mosquitoes as Lazear
was, but the latter was no doubt impatient at doing work that
he knew would show what he, Reed, Carroll and Agramonte already
knew, i.e. that the Sanarelli organism was not the cause of
yellow fever. Reed may have become impatient with Lazear, too,

    - 10 -

    for his attitude. However, as Reed was the Chairman of the
Board it was his duty to plan and direct the work. It was
necessary also to make arrangements with the Governor before [* see below.]
the mosquito tests on humans could be made. In other words,
Reed was not ready to test Finlay's theory. All this may have
discouraged Lazear and this no doubt was reflected in his
letters to his wife.

    I wish you would see if Kean and Ireland don't agree with my
views, just to get this straight. I don't think Reed was
"studying malaria". If malaria was reported at Cienfuegos and
if there were any deaths, the Chief Surgeon would promptly
send someone to investigate just as was done in the malaria
report at Pinar. So it was probably a question of yellow
fever and not malaria. You know the Contract Surgeon at
Cienfuegos was not considered reliable. I am only trying to
tell you what I think is right for I am in no way interested
in this matter except to give you my sincere views.

    P. 88 The chances are he sailed on the Sedgwick and that his baggage
went astray, but I do not know of course.

    P. 89 I don't think so, but I don't know.

    P. 89 My remarks on question P. 88 above and elsewhere in this paper
cover this. I would like to see the extracts from Lazear's letters ✗
re this. I doubt if they could convince me, as my background re
the general situation and my knowledge of the two men is pretty
good, I think. P. 103 indicates the "deep interest" of Lazear, and
Reed was "more and more optimistic" too. I think that this is all
that you can say with any justice to either one of them.

    P. 91 I don't know. See my remarks elsewhere. [also S.D.P. 94, p 107]

    P. 92 See my book, 2nd printing, page 94, note. I can't add to that and
other references to Neate in my book (see index). I don't know about
survivors. [The 2^d printing of my book has a grey cover instead of maroon.]

    P. 92 Yes, he was a Hospital Steward (now called Master Sergeant) and
was in Reed's Washington laboratory for years. [(Army Med. School Laboratory.)]

    P. 93 This could only have happened in the main laboratory at Columbia
Barracks. As the one at Camp Lazear was small and most carefully
guarded you may be sure.

    P. 94 Neate was the only one I heard about. Of course Reed could not
draw conclusions on such meager "controls". His conclusions on
P. 87 and P. 118 show how careful he was in his work.

     [* I think Reed had already had Wood's consent to take
up Finlay's theory and use volunteers, but before
actually using "guinea pigs" more definite
arrangements were necessary incl. instructions to Baldwin]

    - 11 -

    P. 95 His visit to Pinar no doubt made him more optimistic re the
theory. He had decided to study Finlay's theory long before
that and of course depended upon real proof before "accepting"
this or any other theory. I don't agree with your inference.

    P. 96 I first heard this story at West Point, I think from Stark
himself. While writing my book, Col. Rogers in the S.G. O.
wrote me Mrs. Stark's version which I quoted in the book.
I don't believe in the "Carroll specimen" story at all.

    P. 100 This grand celebration with alcohol was settled by General
Wood and nothing was ever published about it, so I don't want
to say more than I have already said in the book. It was
disgraceful conduct for officers.

    P 101 My date must be right for I had it in my records which you saw
in 1943. [Have since found Q.M. report showing Aug 2 is correct.]

    P 104 I quoted Andrus on that I think and do not know why immunes were
not used to keep the insects alive. [Have since found reason
on bottom of p. 101 S.D.]

    P 104 Kean's story is all that I know that is factual. However, the
Board's visit to Finaly in June or early July showed that Reed was
anticipating work on the mosquito theory. So I feel that Reed
must have had a talk with both Sternber d [g] and Wood [,] for he would never
have attempted to infect a human being with yellow fever on his
own responsibility. I may have had more definite information re
this in 1900 but I can't recall anything now. Sternberg naturally
would approve but he had no authority in such matters. The
Governor General did have much authority and he stretched it to
the limit at his own risk. He won! A glorious triumph for a Soldier
Doctor! Give him full credit.

    P 106 I had orders to report to the m [M] ilitary Governor for duty and
naturally reported to Col. Havard, his Chief Surgeon. As our
ship entered the harbor late, after office hours, we anchored
and everyone, including myself, [were] advised to remain aboard until
next morning, September 18.

    P 108 About 6 as a rule. We had one large, long table which would
usually accommodate us all. In case of extra guests we also had
a small table for 4 which could be used. When Reed was there,
I insisted that he sit at the head of the table. I was at his
right. [The table would accommodate 8.]

    P 109 This was all told to me while I ate my lunch and can't specify.
Lazear was a determined man and did what he pleased. He would
not permit Pinto and the others to meddle with him I am sure.

    P 109 I don't know.

    - 12 -

    P 109 This is Lambert's own statement to me. See "miscellaneous questions."
Lazear's illness: When I first saw him on September 18, he was
undressed and in bed. He no doubt had previously continued to
work in his laboratory. I positively wrote to Mrs. Lazear but
I think I mailed it to her Baltimore address. I cannot amplify.
[No evidence of work in his quarters.]

    P 110 It was my responsibility as C. O. I can't remember about Kean's
cablegram from the Surgeon General but no doubt Kean promptly
instructed me accordingly. I think that Ames and I probably
gathered the papers and valuables and that I took care of them.
I also took personal charge of the collection and shipment of
his personal effects. The cablegram is important as confirming
what I said about collecting the papers. I remembered that we
did that and I gave them to Reed but I can give no other details.
Carroll was in no condition to have charge of anything and I expect
Kean told me to keep them. [See note [my remarks] in questionaire p. 7, (re cablegram)]

    P 110 Ames no doubt was with Lazear most of the afternoon. At dinner
time we all discussed the case and shortly after that Pinto and
I went with Ames to see Lazear as stated in the book. Ames
handled the case. He may have had some suggestions from Gorgas.

    I was at my quarters when Lazear died and was promptly notified
by Ames. We had been expecting the end for several hours. I
promptly notified Kean by going to his quarters or by phone. I
don't know which [,] but think the former.

    Ames and his helpers (probably one was Mrs. Warner) were constantly
with Lazear the last few hours.

    To the other questions I con't give any positive answers except that
we did not embalm the dead in Cuba then. Lazear's body was not
embalmed and did not lie in state. The body was placed in a
casket in the morgue as was customary. Just before the funeral it
was placed on an Artillery Cais cion [son,] the casket covered with a flag.
The funeral procession then started.

    P 110 I am confident that Carroll was still at the yellow fever camp
when Lazear was a patient there. Carroll was a nervous as well
as a physical wreck and mentally far from normal. (I can't tell
you what diagnosis a psychiatrist would have made of his condition.)
Ames may have taken him to the convalescent hut at the yellow
fever camp and marked him quarters. Later he was allowed to come
to his room - still marked quarters. See my remarks elsewhere.
If Carroll saw Lazear at all it must have been at the yellow fever
camp. Carroll's family never came to Cuba.

    - 13 -

    P 111. Col. Baldwin was always agreeable to me as stated elsewhere.
The conversation was a repetition of my talk with the Adjutant.
I wanted the deceased Medical Department personnel to have the
same military funerals as were provided for commissioned officers
even though Contract Surgeons were not commissioned.

    P 112. See answer to P. 110 above. The flag was brought back to the
hospital. See P. 112 my book.

    P 112. Chaplain S. H. Bell. He was a Captain. I don't know definitely.

    P. 112 Perhaps only one, but possibly two.

    P. 112 The caisson and flag, band to play a funeral march, rifle salute,
taps. I don't think there were any flowers at any of our funerals
there at that time. The Presbyterian service was probably used.
Chaplains probably had [used] such services too.

    P. 113 Of course I knew the probable cause of Lazear's illness and also
about Carroll and XY. At headquarters nothing was asked about
these cases of yellow fever and they certainly knew nothing of
Lazear's mosquito experiments. Of course, I did not enlighten
them as I knew how careful Lazear had been to keep the matter
secret. I had no instructions from Kean or anyone else re this
as my visit to the Post Headquarters was made on the spur of the
moment to obtain a proper burial service that afternoon. I was
not worried, I am sure. Of course, Baldwin and everyone else
found out when the Preliminary Report was published but by that
time I think General Wood had told Baldwin what he wanted re the
mosquito work. I never heard criticism from any officer, but I
believe XY's Troop Commander did start something, but it got
nowhere.

    P. 113 The anxiety was mostly expressed, I think, in the general dis-
cussion of such a scourge as yellow fever and the dread of new
outbreaks. But, as heretofore stated, there was nothing like a
panic.

    P. 114 I don't remember ever to have heard of this story by Lambert. I
know nothing about it. If Lazear's story that he was bitten at
L a s Animas Hospital on September 13 is correct then Lambert's is
not correct anyway for the incubation period would have been
5 days. See P. 68-69 Sen. Doc. Why give an uneducated layman
any serious consideration regarding such ideas?

    P. 115 I think Kean's ideas re this are all taken from his diary and are
factual. I don't think Havard would go to the ship unless he had
business there.

    - 14 -

    P. 115 I can't add to my statements in the book. Neate knew everything
that went on in the laboratory where he had full charge of the
mosquitoes. I think he knew about Carroll and XY but probably
not about Lazear himself.

    P. 116 I still believe that Lazear himself had written Reed the whole
thing about Carroll and XY as soon as he was sure of his results.
The date of his letters to Mrs. Lazear stating that he did not
tell Reed, would be important. Look that up and tell me for I
am interested to know. As far as the Officers at the hospital
are concerned we know that Pinto had been bitten by a test tube
mosquito on the porch of the Officer's quarters. You may be
sure that every Doctor there knew about that. Carroll's bite
was also well advertized among them, I expect. Ames in his
work of taking histories and caring for Carroll and XY also, no
doubt, knew very much about Lazear's work when [before] I arrived. What
they told me is fully stated in the book, P. 108. Lazear gave
out very little information but essential things did leak out as
stated above. This is one reason why Kean knew nothing [,] but the
doctors at the hospital knew much. All this is interesting and
important. Another reason for Lazear's secrecy is that Reed may
not have given him authority to go ahead with the mosquito work .
This is a possibility that I have thought of often but did not
feel justified in mentioning as it is just a surmise. Certainly
authority to do that work at the Post had not yet been obtained.
Anyway, I believe that Lazear was definitely worried.

    P. 116 I think I accepted the statement re Lazear's work with mosquitoes
from P. 25, Sen. Doc.

    P. 117 There was no evidence of anything like work on notes at his quarters.
The notebook was one of those records that had entries from day
to day and not an elaborate thing as Mrs. Warner inferred. Then,
too, how would Mrs. Warner know what Lazear did in his quarters?
Mrs. Warner's other statement in Kelly's book is "bunk", too, as
Kean will tell you. So don't credit her statements then, or since,
too highly.

    P. 117 Andrus and the rest of the Hospital Corps detatchment left for
Columbia Barracks very shortly after the troops left on August 2,
1900. I think I have the exact date somewhere but can't find it
right now. By the way, I have found the official sailing date
(in a QM report) of the Rawlins [,] August 2, 1900.

    P. 120 I have never seen an interview by Dean. He might not have
considered his other bites important. If he had been asked that
question his answer would have been of real value, other e [w] ise no.

    - 15 -

    P. 121 Troop B, 7th U.S. Cavalry, in the main Post. The 8th Infantry
occupied the 13 long barrack buildings in the east end of the post,
the Cavalry and Field Artillery the 11 long buildings in the west
end. Troop B was in the second building on the east end of the
Cavalry row.

    P. 122 Pinto had no business there and no doubt felt as I did, that Reed
would prefer to talk to Dean alone. I left as soon as I was sure
that Reed did not need me any more. Reed did not dismiss either
of us.

    P. 122 See above.
I have a picture in my mind of the appearance of the entries in
the notebook especially the entries which were incomplete. However,
I cannot give details. I will know the entries if I ever see them.
Reed himself started the insurance story. As I have previously
suggested, I think Reed thought of this when he wondered what
would happen to any insurance which he or other volunteers had in
case of death. Of course Reed did not know if Lazear had insurance
or not. What difference does that make.

    P. 130 See answer to P. 110 above. Also see my book P. 125. Not bed-
ridden. Kept at yellow fever camp until Ames felt it was safe to
let him stay in his own room.

    P. 134 Yes, I think Geo. Carroll has many important papers, even my
Finlay article and many letters. Perhaps a whole file.

    P. 135 The Crook arrived in Havana from New York on October 29 at 6 A.M.
(From official QM report). This information was not available to
me when I wrote my book. I therefore gave the approximate date
of Reed's return.

    P. 135 We therefore saw General Wood on the "day after Reed's return
(Oct. 30). See my book, P. 136.

    P. 137 Correct. See P. 138 my book.

    P. 140 They were undoubtedly built by Capt. Goodale, the Columbia Barracks
Quartermaster. The Chief QM gave him the necessary funds and it was
built by his carpenters aided by Cuban labor. This is all from
memory, but it must be right, for that is the way things were done
the re [n] Just where you can find any records re this I can't say.

    P. 141 There was no pine lumber except from the U.S.

    P. 144. I can't remember - probably De Poorter and Ames.

    P. 144 The QM office and warehouse (on RR tracks) and the QM dump are
plainly marked on that map. They are about 1 inch from the
bottom and 1 inch from the right side of the map.

    - 1 4 [6] -

    P. 145 No. I don't recall any such story. This is plain "bunk".
Finlay's mosquitoes developed rapidly and I saw then on my
visit when they were thriving (July 20). See my book P. 90.

    P. 146 I haven't the dates but Pinto went mostly for the trip and
probably was back in two weeks. The October 10th date, when
Pinto left Cuba for good, is correct.

    P. 147 Moran is wrong. I did not get anything from Kissinger to help
me fix my memory re the statements on P. 147. That was such
a sudden surprise to all of us that it made a [such a] real impression
on me that it can't be shaken. Don't you think that Reed's
statement (P. 98 Sen. Doc.) about "The Ohio soldier who
volunteered" etc. would have specified Moran and not
Kissinger if Moran had actually volunteered first? I have
nothing but respect for Moran and the way he did volunteer
and his fine record since 1900. Possibly he actually thought
he saw Reed first, but how could he be sure Kissinger did not
get there first? I thought Moran used to claim that he and
Kissinger saw Reed together, now you say he volunteered first.

    P. 148 There are many things that can happen which can't be explained
and this is one of them. Later, see also P. 102, Sen. Doc.

    P. 148 No comment.

    P. 148 Reed did not want to ask a soldier to risk his life. He never
did like the idea of jeopardizing human lives in such experi-
ments but when General Wood approved it and aided Reed in
getting Spanish immigrants to volunteer he thought they had a
fairly satisfactory solution to the problem. Reed soon found
that the Spaniards were not too satisfactory. So when Kissinger
volunteered, Reed felt more hopeful. His attitude soon became
known and Moran and others volunteered. No one, in my opinion,
asked our enlisted men to take the test. The gratuity may have
appealed to many. Does Moran say that Reed asked him to
volunteer?

    P. 151) This is too personal as you know and I think it is best to leave

    P. 152) it out. It can do no good but many would question it and there-

    P. 152) fore put me in a bad light. I did not want to write my story in
the form I did, but how else could an unknown author, on such a
controversial subject claim to know anything about it? At least
the readers found out that I was there and saw things and had
records to prove the most of them. I am satisfied "as is".

    P. 152 He was a real wreck such as you often see after a serious ill-
ness. Besides he was mentally upset if not actually deranged.

    P. 153 I am sure the Spanish Consulate would have records of that.
They might even tell you where the immigrants were camped when
first coming to Cuba. I think they were camped near Regla,
probably Triscornia. Not Cabaña.

    P. 154 Moran may be right. I can't tell from anything I have or from
memory. There was a lot of conflicting opinion on No. 14. I
think that Mrs. Jernegan or her son are living in Virginia.
You might be able to find out where they are by writing to
Dr. Hugh H. Trout, Jefferson Hospital, Roanoke, Va. He wrote
me (1944) a nice letter re my book and said they had Mrs.
Jernegan and her son in the hospital several times.

    P. 154 See "Roll of Honor" in the Annual Army Register.

    P. 155 I have no record of the date. Stark while oneleave tried to be
ordered to China as I had done earlier. He failed for the same
reason that I did and was sent back to Cuba.

    P. 157 The adult female stegomya. See S. D., P. 136. Not the eggs.
I don't think that I sent him any eggs.

    P. 161 Sen. Doc. P. 80.

    P. 161 I think I quoted Reed. Probably from the S. D., but I can't
find it now. Why don't you make an index of the S. D? You
have lots of time!!

    P. 166 Certainly not. I do think that Reed felt that blood injections
might produce more severe attacks. He positively did not like
to give the blood injections. This can, I think, be inferred
from his letters to the Surgeon General.

    P. 173 Andrus. See my book, P. 174 to 177, also Sen. Doc. P. 82.

    P. 174 According to Andrus, who knew, it was Thomas M. England.
England simply decided he did not want to take the risk, I
suppose. England was a high class soldier and later on had
a splendid record. Became an officer. Therefore, I did not
feel like mentioning his name in my book. Refusing to take
a test that he knew might end fatally does not, I think, reflect
on him seriously. He gave me much help in identifying the men
in the picture, P. 154.

    P. 177 I never knew.

    - 1 [8] -

    P. 179 Goldberger is entered in the 2nd printing of my book. Ravanel
called my attention to the error. By the way, the 2nd printing
of the book has several important additions including a list
of illustrations which were omitted by mistake by the publisher.
You should use that instead of the first printing. Am glad to
have the reference, viz. yellow fever Institute Bulletin # 16,
July 1907, P. 5.

    P. 181 No.

    P. 185 &

    P. 185 I don't know. Kean may know.

    P. 191 I am no authority, so can't comment except to say that it worked
for Ames.

    P. 196 He was just one of those fine Chinamen with [a] good head. A wonderful
cook. He probably came from China to Cuba with the hope of getting
into the U.S. eventually. He was not enlisted. We hired him by
the month.

    P. 198 Yes, Mrs. Warner. Pure "bunk" as Kean will tell you.

    P. 198 There could be no "monkey business" when Reed was around,
especially if it was disrespectful, boistrous or vulgar.
He was a trained disciplinarian and could rebuke an offender
in a very quiet but forceful way. Reed demanded respect and
had no trouble in getting it.

    P. 198 I referred there to his work at Camp Lazear; work which was
evidently free and open to anyone in the medical profession.
It was different in August and September when Lazear did
mosquito work on the Post and without the CO's permission.
Reed, as you know, did no work with infected mosquitoes on the
Post. The C.O. knew what Reed was doing too. Lazear was the
one who did not talk about his mosquito work and that was the
only secret of the Board's work from its inception until the
end.

    I don't know that anyone spoke of keeping "mum" unless it was
Lazear. I never have heard that before, I think.

    P. 201 I suppose a couple of hundred but that is just a guess. When
you return my reprint, can you give me an extra copy of the 1✗
photostat? I will appreciate it.

    P. 207 Dr. H. M. James was a Contract Surgeon. He had been stationed
at Rowell Barracks for a long time when I joined there and
relieved him as Post Surgeon in November 1900. Havard and Kean,
and therefore Reed who heard about him from the first two, had
no confidence in him. I can't imagine where Lambert knew
James unless it was in 1902 or later when James left Cienfuegos.

    - 18 [19] -

    P. 102 Maj. Borden wanted to [be able to] talk to a doctor by [`] phone late at
night and also wanted a doctor to call him at any time if
anything ought to be brought to his attention. Borden was
badly worried about the case and, as there were several
young medical officers there to help, he adopted this plan
to get the best possible information. There were nurses
enough, too, and one was constantly on duty in the room.

    I was not on duty with Reed the last night, but probably the 2nd
or 3rd night after the operation when Reed felt that he should
be improving. Instead of feeling better he was really worse
and realized that fact. When I first appeared at his bedside
he was surprised. "Why, Truby, where did you come from?" I
explained briefly. Later that evening he said "Truby, things
are not going right with me. I should feel better now, but I
seem to be more miserable than ever." That is the gist of our [*]
conversation. He was very anxious, much worried and greatly
depressed. Major Borden [`] phone [d] me in the early eve in [ni] ng and
again about midnight.

    P. 221 Not only a hunch, but I think Reed felt that way from the
unexplained ne [en] tries in the notebook. Besides Lazear was so
intense about getting action that I think he actually wanted
to be the very first case. Of course this last statement is
only surmise. But it would be just like Lazear.

    P. 223 Because Lee was in command of the Department of Western Cuba.
Wood commanded the whole of Cuba.

     [* The quotations are not exact of course but
that is as near as I can remember his
remarks to me. I have no record of this.
I knew what was going on the last
night but I don't think that I was officially
on duty in the room.
AET]