Questionnaire: Questions to General Truby (December 1946) About His Book, by Philip Showalter Hench, December 1946 |
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1 Please
return QUESTIONS TO GENERAL TRUBY (DECEMBER, 1946) ABOUT HIS BOOK Questions regarding General Truby's book (page numbers). p.5--What was Stark like--brief description. p.8--Please describe Reed--approximate height, weight, coloring. Was he aloof,
serious and dignified with strangers and acquaintances but gay, friendly and
sentimental with relatives and close friends? p.9--Reed interested in malaria in 1898. Any evidence that he was also that early
especially interested in yellow fever, particularly in Finlay's theory? p.11--What was the approximate strength of the medical corps (regular army) during
the Spanish--American War? About how many medical officers were in the vol-
unteer army? The latter were not all "contract surgeons" were they? Didn't
the volunteer army commission its medical officers? About how many "contract
surgeons" were hired during the S.--A. War and how were they used; were they
all assigned to regular army units or also to volunteer units?
[Dont work on this just a guess will do.] p.12--(and p. 34)--Did the contract surgeons completely replace the temporary
(volunteer) medical officers after the war? p.17--Do you have a copy of the "sanitary order for the command"? If not, what
were its general contents? p.20--Description of Buena Vista Camp, December, 1898: "short grass, an occasional
tree, no habitations." Was there anything (houses, et cetera) then on the
part which later became the western end of Camp Columbia? Were the 6 or 8
little huts (which later became the Y. F. huts) already there? I have been
told that these huts antidated Camp Columbia by some time, having been used
by the Spaniards for cases of contagious diseases. But they aren't on my 1898
map. p.26--In the table it mentions no U. S. troops in three of the six departments.
I take it that there were U. S. troops in these departments but that neither
the troops nor their medical problems nor medical officers concerned the story
of yellow fever. Correct?
[yes.] p.27--I am not quite clear what various positions Gorgas held in Cuba. If you
can tell them to me offhand please do so; otherwise I can consult one of the
books on Gorgas' life. p.27--Please tell me a little more about electrozone. Wasn't there later a scandal
about it?
[a question of who'd pay the cost? (see question p 75)] p.28--Just what was the Maestranza? p.30 (p. 28)--Which "vacant Spanish barracks"--where? p.31--"a dungeon in the old fort"--what old fort? La Fuerza, Morro, or Cabana?
Where? p.32--Do you have a copy of Circular 9? May I see the whole circular? |
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2 p.34--Major Echeverria is still a shadowy figure in my mind. Just who was he and
what did he do then and later? You recall that according to the "day-book"
of Doctor Rojas he was apparently a "contact-man" in the negotiations for
placing Camp Lazear on the San Jose Farm. What connection did he have with
Reed, Agramonte, etc? p.35--Was Ames always a contract surgeon? Was he ever commissioned in the volunteer
or regular army? (See answer later).
[See p 7 miscellaneous questions] p.36--Finlay's visit to you: How much "missionary work" was Finlay doing?
According to Lampson's book, Finlay button-holed almost every newcomer,
certainly the important American officers, to sell them his theory. How
correct? p.37--Did you discuss Finlay's reprint and theory with any Cuban doctors or with
any of your medical superiors--Gorgas, Kean, Reed, etc.--prior to the estab-
lishment of the yellow fever board? If so, what was their reaction? p.40--Reed's interest in the case of Private Smith: How much was Reed then inter-
ested in Finlay's theory? Did Reed meet Finlay then (May, 1899) or not until
June, 1900? p.40-41--Wasn't one of these visits of Reed (May or July, 1899) in regard to
electrozone? (No. The electrozone trip was March, 1900). p.42--Which "fort" ("barracks of the fort")? As I understand it Morro and Cabana
were different forts. Correct? p.44--"East of the post"--what post? p.44--Was there anything at Camp Columbia prior to August, 1899? p.45--Please tell me in confidence what Colonel Baldwin was like? I will not quote
you. On page VIII Teneral Kean calls him a "parlous person." p.46--Was the hospital C. O. always the same as the Post Surgeon? p.46--Were the Post Surgeon and the Hospital Detachment Commander the same or
different officers? p.47--Doctor Saleeby lived "in the main post." Where? In the main part of Camp
Columbia? p.48--Had Pinto been in the army during the war? As officer or contract surgeon? p.48--What were "Reed troughs?" p.49--Who were the "four to eight nurses under contract"? Lambert has mentioned
four women (Mrs. Warner, Miss Lewis, Lottie McCord, and Mrs. Gillen), some
of whom were not trained nurses, I believe. Had they all served in the war? p.50--Most of the Second Division Hospital had been in tents, Hadn't it? Fig. 10 and p. 51--You identify huts ✗115-116 as "two-bed huts." According to
Lambert they were three-bed huts.
[but I think never more than
2 patients in each one.] |
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[What
is this?]  This was an old watch tower
and fort near the beach and east
of La Playa about 100 yds. I do not
know its history. no longer here (Mar 1948)
PSH
|
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3 Fig. 10 (also Fig. 9, p. 45)--In Building 108 which rooms of each quarters were
the bedrooms and which the studies? Did the "north" row of rooms comprise
the officers' bedrooms or studies? P.52--"The small office in the hospital"--in what numbered building? p.52--Were there any buildings, homes, bath houses, etc. at La Playa in 1899-
1900? Did you walk or ride to La Playa? Was the railroad in use? Could
trains get under the little bridge that crossed the cut? If trains were
running along that spur between the yellow fever huts and the post-hospital
how often did they run? Did they run all night?
[←] p.53--The sick during 1899 were cared for in "tent wards." Where and why? Why
not in the wooden buildings mentioned on Page, 50? p.54--When were what buildings built in Fig. 10? p.54--"A few wooden shacks"--(In Fig. 10 there are 8; 113-120; why do you only
mention six on page 54; 115-120?) Lambert insists there were only four
small yellow fever huts (113-116) and says he ought to know as he spent
months there (see later).
[See p. 3 miscellaneous questions also p 13] p.55--When Lambert visited me this summer he got me all confused as to who was
treated in what numbered huts. He now disagress notably with the data on
page 55. Lambert now insists that Carroll, Dean, and Lazear were cared for
in the main hospital ("officers' ward") and that Lazear died there. He says
the two buildings (115-116; not 117-118 were 10 × 16 feet and that 113-114
(not 115-116) were 7 × 9 feet. See later.
[See p. 5 miscellaneous questions espec p 8] p.59--When you became Post Surgeon on September, 1899 did you also become C. O.
of the hospital? I suppose so.
[yes] p.60--Could you without trouble name the medical officers (tabulated) in Cuba on
June 30, 1901? There couldn't have been many in Cuba aside from those in
Havana and at Camp Columbia. p.60--Where was Gorgas' office? p.61--What former departments were consolidated to make up the Department of Western
Cuba? p.64--Who was the Chief Quartermaster? p.69--Where had Stark been since page 40? p.70--Major Brown occupied "the quarters"--what quarters? p.73--The Cubans called it "a yellow fever year." Where did you find this reference?
I am anxious to know. [Gen. Lee mentions at on p 10 of his annual Report
Aug 23, 1900 (which you gave me). I wonder where he got it.
you gave me this report] p.73--Lazear also "had time for research with special reference to yellow fever."
Important. What kind of research--with mosquitoes at this early stage? Can
you amplify? |
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4 p.73--According to my information Mrs. Lazear came with Doctor Lazear in February,
1900 on his first assignment. Is this your recollection? p.73--"Numerous sightseeing trips." In one of Lazear's letters to his mother
about this time he mentioned going with Reed and others to visit Morro, etc.
Does Reed happen to be in the snapshots of yours? See later.
[See # 8 miscellaneous questions] p.74--Did you have only two commissioned officers at the hospital on May 1?
(You and Stark?) p.75--How about the "electrozone scandal"?
[See also my query on p 27] p.75--Reed's interest in Lazear. You remember Mrs. Lazear's story to me about the
conversation Lazear had with Reed in Lazear's quarters when Lazear said
"Mabel, I have a convert to the mosquito theory. Doctor Reed also believes
in it" (or words to that effect). Do you think Lazear's and Reed's tentative
acceptance of the Finlay theory were independently arrived at or did Lazear
"convert" Reed in March, 1900? p.76--"With all of the visiting physicians"--who; why were they visiting? p.76--How did Reed react to Finlay's theory? Did Finlay visit you all at the
hospital at that time or often? Did he try personally to interest or convince
Reed early in 1900 before the yellow fever board was actually formed? Did
Reed visit Finlay prior to the request for mosquito larvae and eggs? p.77--As I have told you Sternberg's letter of May 23, 1900 to the A. C. recommended
a medical board to pursue "scientific investigations with reference to the
infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba, and especially of yellow
fever." (I have a photograph of this original letter). The last five words
are crossed out and a pencilled footnote says "stricken from S. O. at the
request of Mr. Jones, C. Clerk Surg. Genl's Office. J. W. P." (or D?). (I
imagine Jones was Chief Clerk.) I have never been able to find out just why
these important words were deleted. In any event they are not appear in
S. O. No. 122 A. G. O. Washington May 24, 1900. It is not surprising that the authors of the Sternberg biography insisted
(rightly and proudly) to use Sternbers's letter with the important words included
rather than to refer to the wording of S. O. 122. There is another mystery connected with this order. When Hemmeter wrote
his laudatory articles about Carroll he referred to (and printed) not S. O. 122
but S. O. No. 22 (also dated May 24, 1900) which strangely recommends only three
members to the board (Reed, Carroll, Lazear) and omits Agramonte's name. (See
Hemmeter's article, page 159 in Janus 1908; also Hemmeter's book, "Master Minds of
Medicine," page 320, 1927). I must check with the A. G. O. and see whether there was an S. O. 22 pub-
lished as cited by Hemmeter (which ant i [e] dated S. O. 122) or whether Hemmeter received
a copy of the order ✗122 with the number erroneously given and the name of Agramonte
erroneously omitted. Do you know anything about these two mysteries (omissions of
the phrase about yellow fever and omission of Agramonte's name)? |
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5 p.78--Gorgas was made Sanitary Officer. Was this a higher position than that of
Chief Surgeon (which he had been) or was this a "demotion" or "come down"?
If so, why? Just when (what months) did Gorgas "scour Havana?" p.78--"Thirty-two cases with eight deaths. Three cases in soldiers." Were there
three soldiers and 29 civilians affected? What civilians? Civilian employees
in Quemados; townsfolk? p.79--Just when was the "post yellow fever hospital" (the huts) opened?
[Some time in 1899?] p.79--"The infection---was traced to Quemados where the soldiers worked." Where?
In Lee's headquarters? Doing what? p.79--The "Quemados patients"--who? Army personnel? p.79--"One nurse and one man" died. Who? p.80--As I have said, Lambert does not (now) agree with you as to where Kean,
Carroll, and Lazear were cared for. As per my comment re p. 55 he insists
that Kean was cared for in a hut but Carroll, Dean, and Lazear were cared
for in the "officers' ward" (did you have one?) of the main hospital. But
if so, why would Kean be cared for in a hut and the others in the main hos-
pital? Change of policy? However Lambert admits he did not take care of
Carroll and Lazear so Lambert presumably could be wrong (and undoubtedly is).
[See pages 8-14, my miscellaneous questions to you] p.82--"Practically no supporters." Do you recall the attitudes of Cuiteras,
Albertini, etc.? Did you recall any specific conversations about the current
attitude on Finlay's theory? p.83--Was the board created by Civil Order ✗5, created independently of the yellow
fever board (although it later helped the latter) or was it formed to correlate
its functions specifically with Reed's Board? [✗] p.84--What is an Ayuntamiento--a burghess? p.84--"Three dollar consultation fees." I have Finlay's monthly list of these
consultations. Later Gorgas (who apparently acted at first as an additional
unpaid consultant) requested that his name be added officially to the list
of consultants and that he be paid the usual fees. Indeed, I think he put
in a claim for back fees. p.85--Among the U. S. civilians and soldiers, their families etc. did the 1900
spring epidemic produce quiet fear, panic, etc.? p.86--Whom did Reed displace in the B. O. Q.? p.88--Reed's letter indicates that at this early date ( )he was not too
impressed with Finlay's work as he was pushing the bacteriologic work on Y. F.
Also he had not yet settled down to concentrate on Y. F.; he was also studying
malaria. Comment? |
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In Hemmetors book "Master Minds of Medicine"
chapter XVI concerns H. R. Carter (p 337) On p 339 it says "Lazear first spoke to
Dr Carter of to implying a living host
→
I question this, AET meaning period of delay in occurance
of later cases of YF In Agramonte letter (Jul 3, 1908) to Kean protesting
the injustice done him (by Kean) in the Senate Report
(Calender no. 462) on p 5 Agramonte wrote:
"The enclosed Report, in that part cited from
Senate Document no. 118, Fifty Seventh Congress, second
session goes on to say that Reed's attention was called
to Carter's report of the ormand , miss, cases before the
first cases of the Board; the fact is that Reed's and
the Board's attention was attracted to Carter's
paper at the time we were preparing the [while A. was in N.Y.] Preliminary
note and not before"
[notice the date all Bunk A.E.T.] Knowing of Agramonte's inaccuracies I would not
accept his statement alone but coupled with the statement
in Hemmeters book I suspect that it was Lazear
who first appreciated the significance of Carters work?
& perhaps it was he who called it to Reed's attention?
However Agramonte is wrong when he says that Reed didnt
know about Carters paper until he was writing the Prelim. Report
in Oct 1900 for in the Prelim. Report Reed wrote (Sen Doc p 59)
that he had discussed Carters paper with Durham & Myers
who visited Reed about Jul 20, 1900 (your book p 90). according to
Reeds letter to his wife Durham & Myers arrived Jul 19 "for 10 days" |
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6 p.88--"Our baggage did not arrive on the Sedgwick." Would this suggest to you
that Reed had gone to Cuba on the Sedgwick (but not his baggage)? p.89--Was this Reed's first conversation with Finlay about his theory? p.89--"Reed not interested in the mosquito theory at this time?" I believe he was
interested but not yet impressed (see also p. 103). There is much to support
my belief, especially Lazear's letters to his wife. p.90--Why accept Sternberg's belated "interpretation" of how definitely he had
influenced Reed in view of Reed's remarks to Kean (unpublished, but precisely
recalled by Kean) and to Howard (published twice by Howard) to the effect
that Sternberg had not recommended the Finlay theory?
[See #1 miscellaneous questions] [See p. 94 [& p 107] S.D. also. A.E.T.] p.91--Who brought Carter's paper to Reed's attention and when?
[See Kean's answer p 5 question 15 Kean interview Nov 19. 1946] p.92--Can you tell me more about Neate? Didn't he later become a "doctor"
(physician or veterinarian?) (Yes, see p. 94). Any survivors? p.92--Had Neate previously been N. C. O. in Reed's Washington lab.? p.93--"Ten or twelve doctors in the mosquito room" (Gorgas' story). Which mosquito
room--the one in Reed's Camp Columbia lab. or the one at Camp Lazear? p.94--How many were experimentally bitten by Pungens? Were Pungens mosquitoes in-
fected at various times? Why didn't Reed report these controls with Pungens?
Not enough controls? As a matter of fact Reed had little right to conclude
that the Aedes was the only mosquito capable of conveying Y. F. He didn't
really study other species. Actually Reed made no such exclusive conclusion
(see conclusion %1, Sen. Doc. 61, p. 87 and p. 118). [unclear] p.95--I believe that Reed's visit to Pinar del Rio changed his attitude on Finlay's
theory from one of moderate disbelieving interest to one of willingness to
study and possibly accept it. Do you agree? p.96--There are either two anecdotes on the Stark boys or two different versions.
The one is as you give it here; the other is that they ran off with some of
Carroll's specimens, hid under the front porch and had to be bribed to come
out and surrender the specimens. Had you heard that one? Who told you the
one you cite? p.100-101--Just what trouble did the officers get into? More details? p.101--You and Reed sailed August 2. As you know Kelly dated Reed's departure as
August 4 and Lampson August 5. You of course are correct if your date is
from your diary. p.104--"No volunteers at that time to feed them." This excuse doesn't seem valid
to me. If there were no non-immune volunteers to feed them why didn't they
merely feed them on immunes? (to keep the mosquitoes alive). p.104--Reed got permission from Wood. Do you know any details in addition to the
story of Kean? What evidence that Sternberg at this time approved human ex-
periments--prior to Reed's August 1900 visit to Washington? |
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Ive found a cable from Sternberg to Kean
"If Lazear seriously ill see that Carroll
gets his notes on YF investigations." A very important find. While I don't
remember the Cablegram, and probably never
knew about it, I feel after thinking about
this that Kean did tell me to get any
of all of Lazear's papers. Anyway that
was done. AET |
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p.106--Why did you report to Colonel Havard; what position did he then hold?
Where did you stay in Havana the night of September 17 before going to
Camp C. on September 18? Just curious. p.108--How many of you generally ate together at the Post Hospital officers mess?
How many tables? How many at a table? Who generally ate together? p.109--Lazear missed "several meals." Consecutive meals? How could he miss sev-
eral meals and not be taken in hand promptly after missing one or two meals? p.109--"Signs of distress"--what signs; symptoms? p.109--Why was Lambert "not available"?
[See p 13 "miscellaneous Questions"
next to last paragraph] Lazear's illness and death are of course one of the highlights of the
story. I would appreciate it greatly if you could reconstruct your visits to
Lazear, your probable conversations. Was he in bed undressed or lying on the bed
sick but dressed when you first called on him? "He continued to work"--where?
In the lab. or in his room? Did his room give evidence that he'd been writing notes
in his (lost) pocket note-book? Had he been trying to prepare any simple meals
in his own quarters? Any comments about notifying his wife that he was ill? (She
didn't even know he was sick till she received the telegram of his death). Could you please concentrate on these scenes and try to cloak my bare
facts with more details? p.110--Lazear's notes were "secured." Actually by whom? Who got them from his
room? Why took care of them? Did you keep them until Reed arrived and
give them to him? p.110--Please tell me more details regarding the afternoon and evening of September
25, 1900. Did you see Lazear several times that day? Did Ames? Were there the
usual pre-mortem consultations and hopeless last-minute medical treatments? What
was the tenor of the officer's quarters, the mess-hall conversation? Where were
you when Lazear died? Was Lazear alone with a nurse when he died? Was Ames with
him? Who exactly notified you that Lazear was dead and what time? How did you get
the news to Kean? Did you phone him or go to see him? How did he probably
notify Washington and Mrs. Lazear (see his interview with me November 20, 1946).
Do you recall why Kean sent the wire in his name and why it wasn't sent in Havard's
name or through the Havana office, instead of the Quemados Headquarters? Do you
recall how the word was gotten to Mrs. Lazear (who wasn't at her Baltimore home
but in Boston)? Was Lazear's body embalmed or wasn't this done? I don't suppose
it lay "in state" anywhere. Where did the funeral procession start from? p.110--How and where did Carroll see Lazear while Lazear was ill? Wasn't Carroll
too sick (in quarters?) to see Lazear? (Carroll's family were not in Cuba were they?
He was writing his wife at home. See the Hemmeter papers). Would Carroll actually
be going to visit Lazear in Building 118? p.111--Baldwin "graciously consented." He could be gracious? Do you recall the
tenor of your conversation with Baldwin? p.112--I assume the flag was draped on the coffin until the last moment. Then
what was done with it? Ultimate use? |
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In Gen Keans lecture (May 2, 1910 & May 22, 1912) before
Army Med. School on "Sanitary Work in Cuba - First
intervention" (unpublished; I have a copy) Kean
says on p 7 "I happened to be in Matanazes on Oct 3
when the transport came into port with Reed on board and I
went out to see him. It was there that I heard for the first
time the true story of XY which had been kept by Lazear a
close secret. He wrote it to Reed but it is my impression
that he told no one at Camp Columbia and I, altho A. Surgeon
of the Dept and living only half a mile from the hospital
knew nothing of the facts in the case" In Hemmeters book (Master Minds of Medicine 1927) chapter XV
are several letters from Reed to Carroll while Carroll was ill &
later convalescing. Lazear wrote Reed Sept 2 telling Reed Carroll had
YF but telling him nothing about the mosquito. Reeds letters to Carroll
dated Sept 7 (2 letters), & Sept 19 indicate clearly Reed had no knowledge
of Lazears experiments on Carroll or Dean. But Carrolls letter of
Sept 29, 1900 to his wife mentions receiving 3 letters from Reed (not
given) Which indicates by now Reed had heard the source of
infection of both Carroll & Lazear. Therefore Reed did know
something about Lazears work just before or after Lazears death & |
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8 p.112--Who was the Post Chaplain and why couldn't he officiate? p.112--What time in the afternoon was the funeral? p.112--How many ambulances? p.112--"Full military honors." What honors? Taps? Rifle salute? Any flowers?
Did minister McPherson use the Presbyterian burial service (I suppose so)
or did he use a military (non-sectarian) service? Did the army chaplains
have such a service in 1900? p.113--The Commanding Officer's anxiety. I assume that during your conversation
with him you (who knew the source of the three cases of Y. F. didn't you?)
kept a straight face and told him nothing. Were you instructed to do so
by Kean or on your own initiative? Were you worried lest Baldwin suspect
the true source of the "epidemic"? Did he ever find out? p.113--The "anxiety"--how expressed? p.114--You recall Lambert's idea that Lazear inoculated himself not by a mosquito
but by an injection of infected blood from Dean. Lambert thinks this because
Lazear got sick so soon, his incubation period being too quick for mosquito in-
oculation, so fast "it must have been from a blood injection." Did you ever hear
this idea? Where could Lambert have gotten it? Sounds very doubtful! p.115--Reed learned of Lazear's death from Kean, not H ow [av] ard according to Kean he [✓]
went alone to see Reed and does not think H ow [av] ard went to Reed's ship but stayed ashore.
Comment? p.115--Reed had "many questions to ask." Please try to recall some of them. Did
Neate know much? p.116--In Washington Reed had "obtained some information about the cases of Carroll
and the soldier (XY); also of Lazear's illness". You infer that Reed already
knew that the cases of Carroll and XY were successful experiments. Isn't this
inference wrong? According to Lazear's letters to his wife didn't Lazear "tell
nobody" (not even Reed) the source of the Y. F. in the first two successful cases?
Therefore although Reed had heard of Carroll's illness what evidence do we have
that Reed knew its source before he returned to Cuba? Reed's information received
in Washington must have been meager indeed. Perhaps he learned much from Kean at
Matanzas October 3.
No. Im wrong. See Note
Date important p.116--Guiteras had been unconvinced. Do you recall any statements of Guiteras?
I plan to look up what Guiteras might have written prior to 1900 about the
cause of Y. F. Do you know whether he ever wrote on it prior to 1900? p.116--"Lazear had studied mosquitoes in Italy." Not according to the diary of
his mother who was with him. When in Italy Lazear was merely a sightseer.
I have found no evidence that Lazear studied mosquitoes in Italy. Where
did you get this reference? (From Agramonte--Senate Doc. p 25, I suppose.
But I'm sure Agramonte is wrong). Mrs. Lazear had no such recollection.
Evidently about Sept 20 or a little later x aet before Reed returned to Cuba. (Who informed Reed ??? Kean didn't
He didn't yet know it until Reed told him on Oct 3 about
Carroll and XY & presumably also Lazear. |
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9 p.117--How do you know Lazear didn't work late at night? I can't recall who wrote
that, do you? Couldn't Lazear have been working on his notes at night?
That was the inference I got.
[See Mrs Warners note in Kelly's book p 228] p.117--When did Andrus come from Guanajay (See p. 99)? p.120--If Dean had been b e [i] tten three times instead of once wouldn't he have said
so in later newspaper interviews? I recall no such statement by Dean.
I have one or two clippings. p.121--"To the barracks to see Dean." What barracks? In the main part of Camp
Columbia? About where in Fig. 8 next to p. 43? p.122--"Pinto left immediately." Why? Wasn't he interested enough to listen in?
Wasn't he invited to listen in? Did Reed "dismiss" Pinto? p.122--"I withdrew." Why? p.123--Can you recall any more details about the notations in Lazear's note-book?
Just who started the "insurance story"? Reed? Carroll? Where did the idea
originate? Mrs. Lazear told me he had no insurance. p.130--Carroll still very ill. What symptoms? Bedridden? Where quartered? p.134--The chief copy of the final draft of this Preliminary note of course was
sent to the editor of the Philadelphia Med. J. Undoubtedly Reed kept a
copy. I'll bet this historical copy is in George Carroll's possession!
I wonder what were the original conclusions 1 and 2 which were "to be erased." p.135--Reed returned early in November. Kean says it was October 28. p.135--"His first move was to see General Wood." On what date did you and Reed
visit Wood? p.137--I thought Cartwright, Peterson, and Page were on Lee's staff at Quemados.
I see they were on Wood's staff in Havana. Correct? p.140--You state that the two wooden buildings at Camp Lazear were built by the
Quartermaster Department. I am anxious to have this reference. Is there
any Q. M. Department record of this? I'd love to find it. p.141--"Tongue and grooved lumbar was used." I assume this was American lumbar
supplied by the Q. M. C. as I understand Cubans didn't have such lumbar.
Even so Kean bought for Reed some (additional?) lumbar as shown by the old
check book (for the Camp Lazear fund) which Kean found last June and gave
to me. Many interesting items of expense listed therein. p.144--"Several of us." Who? p.144--The quartermaster warehouses (what buildings on figure 12, page 57)? p.145--Finlay supplied the mosquito eggs for the Board's first work. Didn't someone
(you?) tell me that actually these eggs died or hatched and turned out not |
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I see that in your original list you did have #14 listed as Jernegan.
Later Andrus wrote you that he thought #14 was Kreisley
Andrus stated that he had a photo of Jernegan which he had
sent Kellogg for Cornwalls painting & Andrus did not
believe #14 resembled the photo of Jernegan Actually Andrus sent Kellogg the same photo of
Jernegan as that published by Peabody. (Kellogg & Cornwell
gave me all their miscellaneous photos & data after Cornwell
finished the painting. I have that photo of Jernegan. It is
the Peabody photo & to my mind #14 is Jernegan
as Moran (& your original advisor, whoever he was)
stated |
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10 to be the proper species. None were actually used and Lazear had to get
his first mosquitoes otherwise. Is this correct? I wonder who told me
this? It's somewhere among my 20 files on Y. F.! p.146--About when had Pinto returned after taking Carroll home (see p. 130)? p.147--Moran still [unclear] [Vigorously] insists he volunteered before Kissinger did. He
is such an honest man. I have found his data infinitely more accurate than
Kissingers. I can't help but give his repeated statement enormous weight. p.148--I wonder why Jernegan's mosquito tests failed. p.148--"Some of them even refused the gratuity." Only Moran constantly refused.
Kissinger did at first, later relented and received a watch and the balance
of the reward in money paid him by Kean. p.148--"Reed would not ask our enlisted men to volunteer for the mosquito bites."
Why not? Who did? Someone did. p.151--What "unforseen circumstances"? p.152--"To interfere with his plans." What plans? p.152--Your discussion with Reed. Please try to reconstruct your probably con-
versation or remembered bits of it. p.152--Carroll obviously still unable to work. Obvious in what way? p.153--I wish I could find the name of the courteous Spanish Consul. Do you know
it? Sometime I may write the Spanish Consulate in Havana.
← p.154--Moran insists ✗ 14 (Fig. 24) is Jernegan. I believe it looks like a newspaper [Peabody's]
photo I have of Jernegan. Comment?
See p 17 Peabody reprint (Sent herewith) p.154--This detachment furnished most of the volunteers. From whence the others?
I guess it tells in Sen. Doc. 61, pp. 27-29 but data incomplete. p.155--Stark returned unexpectedly. When? p.157--"Beautiful specimens"--eggs? p.161--References to Doctors Bango, Sanches, and Moas? p.161--"On December 11 one of the members---." Who? p.166--Reed was not keen to subject men to the risk of blood injections. Did Reed
suspect that Lazear had done this to himself (as Lambert suggests) and that
this method was more dangerous than the mosquito bites? p.173--"Another non-immune member then volunteered." Who?
[Andrus.] p.174--The non-immune changed his mind. Who? Why? p.177--Who were the Mexican delegates? |
 |
11 p.179--Goldwater should be Goldberger. I haven't found the original reference (I
know Kean quotes this but without the reference.)
[Y. F Institute Bull #16
July 1907 p 5] p.181--Any official record or reference to this (May, 1900) Conference between
Sternberg and Reed? p.185--Gorgas continued disinfection until August 15, 1901. Kean has told me
(and written) this but where is the official reference? p.185--Gorgas organized mosquito brigades "sometime in March." Reference? p.191--Why would a starvation regime "condition a patient to battle the Y. F. virus"?
In Y. F. the liver is affected. Modern therapy of liver disease involves
the use of much carbohydrate fluid and vitamins. I must find out if they
still starve yellow fever patients. Do they? p.196--"John Chinaman." A Chinese private? p.198--"One of the nurses has been quoted"-- Who? Reference? [ Lena Warner told this
to Dr. Kelly. See p 229 his book] p.198--"If anyone annoyed Reed." In what way? Please detail. p.201--"He had no secrets." But Baldwin and the Camp personnel were kept ignorant
weren't they? Who told the hospital personnel to keep mum when talking
to the main camp personnel? p.201--About how many reprints? How long a list? In other words how rare are the
original reprints? (I am finally about to photostat your reprint with
Reed's corrections. I have kept it carefully and will mail it insured and
very carefully wrapped.) p.207--Who was Doctor James? You recall Lambert mentioned him. p.212--"A junior medical officer was constantly on duty." Why? Not enough nurses?
A special consideration for Reed? Were you with Reed the night he died?
Were you there when Kean and Blossom called? Do you recall any conversations
with Reed anytime during his final illness? I do wish you could. p.221--"Every probability that Lazear was one of the first two." I agree but do
you have any evidence but a hunch? p.223--"By command of General Lee"--Why not Wood? |
